Sunday, 26 May 2019

The B5 Airfield at Le Fresne-Camilly


The establishment, maintenance and exploitation of Allied air superiority over Normandy depended on persistent air presence in considerable strength. This could only be achieved via the rapid  construction of airfields on the continent following the D-Day landings. Through the simplest possible naming convention, American airfields were labelled with an A and British airfields with a B. Their contribution to the Allied victory in Normandy, although rarely acknowledged or appreciated, was of fundamental importance.


Reference: Overlord - The RAF Maintenance Plan

Reference: RAF Maintenance during the Early Stages of Overlord

Second Tactical Air Force (2 TAF) was created to provide tactical air support to British and Canadian forces in the campaign to liberate Northwest Europe. It comprised two flying groups numbered 83 Group and 84 Group, and a logistical organisation - 85 (Base) Group. The flying groups were largely equipped with Spitfire fighters and Typhoon fighter-bombers. Neither aircraft boasted particularly impressive endurance characteristics. Flying from Britain, a Spitfire could patrol over Normandy for only about 50 minutes when equipped with drop-tanks, which had to be jettisoned when they engaged in combat. The Typhoon’s endurance was even more limited, especially when it was carrying a full load of rockets.

To maximise their time over the battle area and reduce the potential impact of adverse weather between Britain and France, 2 TAF’s fighter and fighter-bomber squadrons had to be deployed as far forward as possible, and plans were duly devised to move 83 Group and 84 Group to Normandy immediately after the D-Day landings. It was originally expected that both flying groups would be based in Normandy by D+40. However, Allied planning was based on the supposition that Caen would be captured on D-Day: the open, flat country around the city - especially to the south - would then become available for airfield construction.

The original airfield construction plan, based on
Montgomery's infamous phase lines
Unfortunately, Montgomery was unable to take Caen on 6 June, and it remained under German control one month later. Consequently, while 83 Group moved to Normandy in accordance with the original timetable, the deployment of 84 Group and 85 Group was severely delayed. Throughout June, many 2 TAF squadrons had still to mount missions from Britain, accepting all of the inherent disadvantages. Inevitably, this reduced the availability of air support for ground operations in June. Against this background, relations between Montgomery and senior RAF officers - notably Tedder and Coningham - deteriorated steadily. It seemed there was little chance that the Allies would be able to exploit the air medium to the full in Normandy until Montgomery captured more territory.


Typhoons and Spitfires in Normandy
The shortage of available space for airfields was addressed in a number of ways. More airfields were constructed north of Caen than originally planned, although some were so near to the front line that they were frequently shelled by German artillery; existing airfields were extended to accommodate more aircraft, and aircraft based in Southern England used the Normandy airfields as forward arming and refuelling points during the day, before returning to their home bases in the evening. Additionally, in the immediate aftermath of D-Day, the Allies required fewer fighter squadrons than expected because the Luftwaffe had suffered such heavy attrition in the early months of 1944.

In the end, 2 TAF's entire organisation was finally established on the continent by early August 1944, but there was a long-term price to pay. Coningham’s forces were left too heavily concentrated near the Normandy coast, and this complicated their subsequent task of keeping pace with the Army during their rapid advance across Northern France in late August and early September.

Men assigned to the airfields accounted for a substantial proportion of the RAF personnel who came ashore on D-Day - around 1,800 in total with approximately 450 vehicles. More arrived on D+1, chiefly on Gold and Juno. RAF Beach Squadrons - under so-called Beach Masters - had the task of gathering units together after they had landed and passing them on to their assembly areas. The first RAF contingents proceeded to No. 1 RAF Assembly area at Buhot before moving on to two airfield sites - Brazenville and St Croix. During the first two weeks of the campaign, some 13,000 RAF personnel deployed to Normandy with 3,200 vehicles.

Airfield construction was undertaken by five Royal Engineer Airfield Construction Groups and one RAF Airfield Construction Wing. Three types of air strip were built, sometimes sequentially at the same location. Emergency Landing Strips (ELS) were rolled 1,800ft strips that were mainly located immediately behind the beaches. Refuelling and Rearming Strips (RRS) were 3,500ft long and incorporated marshalling areas at each end of the strip. Advanced Landing Grounds (ALG) were fully prepared strips of between 3,600 and 5,000ft, the longer length being for fighter-bombers. Each site was designed to accommodate 54 aircraft and included a full set of taxiways.

RAF Servicing Commandos were responsible for establishing the main airfield services. Four Servicing Commandos landed on D+1 numbered 3205, 3207, 3209 and 3210, and totalling 700 men and 100 vehicles. They proceeded to B3 (St Croix), B2 (Brazenville) and B8 (Sommervieu). By 11 June, the RAF had established four operational strips in Normandy, and two more were under construction.

RAF Servicing Commando Memoir by Joe Grainger

An RAF convoy moving inland from the coast

A Spitfire and a Typhoon in Normandy

Typhoon pilots at a Normandy airfield
Needless to say, fuel was the most important single commodity supplied at each base. At first, aviation fuel was brought ashore by hand in Jerry cans, but a shuttle service using DUKWs was soon established to serve the airfields. The supply of fuel increased steadily after the Minor pipeline system came on-stream at Port en Bessin on 16 June. Allied planning in Normandy was based on a projected requirement of 398 tons of aviation fuel per day by D+14, building to 1,076 tons per day by D+41, and aviation fuel would ultimately account for around 45 per cent of all fuel consumed by Allied forces in Normandy.

Visiting Normandy with service personnel over the years, I would normally take them to the site of the B5 ALG. This was located by the Caen-Arromanches road at Le Fresne-Camilly. The B5 site was reconnoitred on 7 June and construction work was initiated by 88 Airfield Construction Company, Royal Engineers, on the 9th. The airfield was planned to host 121 Wing, which comprised three squadrons of Typhoons.



B5 - note the ample evidence of artillery bombardment
The site had to be cleared of all obstacles and flattened, using mechanical plant. The runway area was then covered using 200kg rolls of Square Mesh Trackway (SMT), which had to be unrolled and pinned in place. Each 15m of strip was held down by 96 clips and 120 pickets. In all, some 10,000 tons of SMT and 2,000 tons of Pierced Steel Planking (PSP) were consumed in the construction of 41 airfields in Normandy in 75 days. Bitumised Hessian runway underlay was also widely employed.

As soon as the runway and elementary facilities had been established at the site, the Servicing Commandos arrived. Their task was to undertake aircraft servicing to a daily standard, and light repairs, and they held small quantities of essential spares. They deployed forward while other groundcrew remained in Britain to operate aircraft from their home bases until ALGs were up and running.

One pilot based at B5 was John Golley, who supplied the following description in his book, The Day of the Typhoon.

The strip, coded B5, was the fifth airfield to be established in the British and Canadian sector of the Normandy landings. Only about four miles inland from the invasion beaches of Courseulles, St Aubin, Luc and Lion-sur-Mer, it had only recently been freed from shell-fire which had come from German units dug into surrounding woods. These had now been ‘flushed out’ from their positions but the front line was still less than a mile away to the south, where the country road from Le Fresne-Camilly bisected the major road from Bayeux to Caen.

The wire mesh strip which served as a runway was over 1,000 yards long and ran from north to south along the plateau. Surrounding orchards were used to give cover for maintenance hangars and as dispersal points for aircraft requiring servicing. The main HQ was situated at the southern end of the runway and the three squadrons were dispersed to the east and west of it. Anti-aircraft defences were dug in around the perimeters, and slit trenches were adjacent to all working areas.

Strips had first to be cleared of obstacles

SMT being pinned in place.

SMT can still be found used as fencing in Normandy

Wounded being loaded into a Dakota in Normandy
The first aircraft to land at B5 on 15 June were the Dakotas bringing the Servicing Commandos. They were immediately reloaded with wounded for evacuation. The Germans shelled the airfield during this operation, destroying one Dakota. The Typhoons’ arrival on 17 June was again described by John Golley.

Landing in France for the first time was going to be quite an event, and most pilots wondered what it was going to be like as they flew north-east towards the landing beaches. They hadn’t long to ponder before they were back in line astern formation and making a gentle dive to join the circuit prior to landing. The strip looked very short and rough after the runways of Holmsley South and was surrounded by woods and orchards with dark green tents blending into the natural landscape. Sandbagged ack-ack positions covered all approaches and they were surprised to see a solitary Typhoon standing disconsolately outside a canvas maintenance hangar which poked its roof through an orchard. Gun flashes were winking away all around the Caen area as, with undercarriages down, they crossed out over the coast before turning back to make a curved approach towards the mouth of the strip.

Coming in over the barrage balloons, they dropped off the last few hundred feet with full flap down and gave engines a final burst before thumping onto the uneven wire mesh. Sturdy wide undercarriages took the strain as squadron Typhoons rocked and rolled down the strip sending up clouds of dust. With brakes squealing they came to a standstill and were waved into dispersal points by their old chums who had gone over shortly after D-Day.

Greetings were short-lived as shells came whining over and pilots dived smartly into adjacent slit trenches having got the message loud and clear. Despite the bravado and jokes it was a fairly terrifying experience being under shellfire especially for the first time. Those whose initial reaction was to disregard the funk holes soon changed their attitude and were glad to get their bums underground with the rest.

Although German artillery would remain a problem until mid-July, the main enemy here was dust; the sleeve valve Sabre engines of the Typhoons proved especially vulnerable to it. The German gunners would also aim at the dust clouds thrown up by aircraft landing or taking off. Attempts were made to hose down the airfield with water, but it simply evaporated, so it was drenched in old engine oil.



Labour-intensive refuelling from Jerry cans

Open-air propeller servicing

Stocking up on munitions

Flying control officer
There is no doubt that ALGs such as B5 played a crucial part in the maintenance of air superiority and offensive air support in the invasion area. The Typhoons flew 1,365 sorties from B5 in July 1944 destroying over 100 enemy tanks and vehicles. The squadrons based here also participated in the famous action at Mortain in August, when the Typhoons played a crucial role in halting the German counter-offensive.

More broadly, the airfields illustrated their own success in terms of the maintenance of air superiority. They made superb targets, but the extent of Allied air superiority was such that they were rarely attacked by the Luftwaffe. Descriptions of Normandy from the air in the summer of 1944 bring out how completely the Allies had established air superiority. The invasion area was crammed full of every type of military vehicle, along with personnel, supplies, and munitions; and then there were sites like the ALGs and the Mulberry harbour.

But south of the invasion area the German military presence was all but impossible to detect. Everything was dispersed, concealed or camouflaged. The Germans were completely unable to assemble or manoeuvre during the day in any significant strength. This naturally imposed enormous constraints on their operational potential, particularly when it came to mounting offensive or counter-offensive action.


RAF Regiment anti-aircraft gunners digging in
B5: aircraft and supplies in the open, reflecting the
absence of any significant threat from the Luftwaffe
This enlargement shows the aircraft more clearly
B5 also illustrates the scope of the expeditionary capability established by the British armed forces during World War II. That capability was not maintained in the post-war period, but expeditionary warfare has become the focus of renewed interest in recent years. The RAF’s current Expeditionary Logistics Wing took the number 85 because of 85 Group’s central role in providing forward support to deployed RAF units in the Normandy campaign.





Saturday, 18 May 2019

Carpet Bombing: Panzers at Guillerville during Operation Goodwood

Although Operation Goodwood was costly for the Allies and did not produce the breakout Eisenhower was hoping for, the Germans also suffered heavy casualties. A particularly graphic illustration of the Germans' vulnerability to Allied air power occurred in the Guillerville area early on the morning of 18 July 1944.


To a significant extent, the Germans were defeated in Normandy because they attempted to deploy and maintain armies in forward positions against an adversary that possessed complete control of the air. Operating at the end of extended supply lines far from the Reich, the Germans were doomed once the Allies started to exploit the air medium to the full. This was fully recognised by Rommel, who recorded on 15 July 1944:

In these circumstances we must expect that in the foreseeable future the enemy will succeed in breaking through our thin front ... Apart from the Panzer Group's sector reserves, which are at present tied down by the fighting on their own front and - due to the enemy's command of the air - can only move by night, we dispose of no mobile reserve for defence against such a breakthrough. Action by our air force will, as in the past, have little effect. The troops everywhere are fighting heroically, but the unequal struggle is approaching its end.

His warnings went unheeded.

The German disadvantage was of operational dimensions but inevitably had a multiplicity of tactical implications. Most of all, perhaps, German units and formations nearest the battlefront found themselves particularly vulnerable when the Allies used strategic bombers in direct support of their ground forces.

On the eve of Operation Goodwood in July 1944, tanks belonging to the 22nd Panzer Regiment of 21st Panzer Division and the Tigers of 3 Company, 503rd Heavy Panzer Battalion, were positioned in woods and orchards around the villages of Guillerville and 
Émiéville on the eastern flank of the planned British axis of advance. Unknown to them, their location was in Bombing Box H, a primary target for Bomber Command early on the 18th.

Between 0541 and 0615 that morning, 463 Bomber Command heavy bombers – Lancasters and Halifaxes – attacked Box H using British and American 1,000lb and 500lb bombs. The weather was clear and the target areas were marked accurately. The aircraft bombed individually from altitudes of between 5,000 and 10,000ft.
A large fighter escort accompanied the heavy bombers, but there was no enemy air opposition. Two aircraft assigned to Box H were brought down by anti-aircraft fire. 

The majority of bombs fell towards the southeast of the target area and slightly southeast of the target area boundary, increasing the weight of munitions that impacted around Guillerville and Émiéville beyond the provisions of the original plan.

Werner Kortenhaus recorded his experience with the 22nd Panzer Regiment. 'The men got into the tanks and closed the flaps, or crawled underneath for protection. We saw little dots detach themselves from the planes, so many that the crazy thought occurred to us: are those leaflets? We could hardly believe they could all be bombs.'



Kortenhaus subsequently recalled 'the most terrifying hours of our lives ... Among the thunder of the explosions, we could hear the wounded scream and the insane howling of men who had been driven mad.'

Lieutnant Richard Freiherr von Rosen, the commander of 3rd Company, 503rd Battalion, recalled that he lost consciousness. Just 25 metres away, a Tiger took a direct hit and exploded; no remains of the crew could be found. Another Tiger, numbered 313, was turned upside down by the blast of a near miss. When at last the ordeal ended, the entire first troop was out of action. The surviving tanks were covered in debris, and a layer of earth clogged apertures, grilles, and air intakes. Fifteen men had been killed by the bombs and others are said to have gone mad or committed suicide; the company maintenance section had been obliterated. No radios were functioning and there was no contact with higher command echelons. Somehow, von Rosen’s men got eight tanks running, but two were lost soon afterwards when their engines overheated.



After British forces moved into the area, a Canadian Information Officer – essentially a Public Relations officer – gained access to Guillerville and wrote:

Within a small area of shattered farmhouses and orchards lie the hulks of 13 tanks and 7 self-propelled guns. Unnoticed among this mass of armour lie the remains of staff cars, signal trucks, MCs and soft skinned vehicles. But there has been no distinction here between 'soft skins' and armour. Heavy tanks and volkswagen alike have been flung in the air and torn apart. There is a Tiger tank here in a position on the edge of the trees that gave it a magnificent shoot against the British advance. A single bomb has thrown it upside down on its turret as if it were a clod of earth. The crew were sheltering beneath it. There is a Mark IV tank that is barely recognisable, its turret torn away, the tank upside down and burned out. Bogey wheels and tracks litter the mud. A Panther tank [actually a King Tiger] stands by itself burned out - its immense gun wrenched off at the mantlet and lying beside it.

There are freaks to be seen too; some tanks are lightly damaged, with green camouflage paint still fresh, buried beneath debris of trees and houses or flung into bomb craters. One Tiger lies in a ditch astride a tree. It is undamaged and full of the kit and familiar smell of its German crew. The distant blast of some bomb must have thrust it into the ditch. Other tanks appear quite whole until it is seen that the armour has been torn through by shrapnel. In this small area there lie three Tigers and a Panther, seven Mark IVs, and two Mark IIIs, and a host of SPs. The SPs have come off better. They have been disdainfully tipped into craters or stuck face down in the mud. Here and there a gun has been torn out of it seating - but many will work again for us if we ever salvage them from this morass.

There must be many more tanks in the immediate neighbourhood; in fact one or two carcasses can be picked up by binoculars. But there is No Mans Land and the enemy holds the fringe of wood over there ... There can be no more impressive tribute to air power than this small corner of the battlefield.

Four months later, the SHAEF Bombing Analysis Unit visited Guillerville and Émiéville. Their report described the self-propelled guns as ‘small armoured recce cars’ with 40mm guns and wrongly concluded that all the tanks belonged to the same unit, and that none of the tanks escaped, but it was accurate in every other respect and is reproduced below. It is a salutary reflection on the German plight in Normandy that bodies were still to be found in and around the vehicles so long afterwards. The recorded equipment losses could have been replaced by the Allies in a matter of days. However, for the Germans, the loss of Panzer IVs and Tigers on such a scale would have represented a significant blow. In the British sector of the Normandy lodgement area, the German lines held on 18 July because of their depth. However, the fate of these armoured formations in Goodwood hinted at what was to come in Operation Cobra, just one week later, when far thinner defence lines in the American sector were targeted in the same way.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

GROUND SURVEY OF THE RESULTS OF AN ATTACK BY HEAVY BOMBERS ON A GERMAN TANK CONCENTRATION

OBJECT OF THE SURVEY.

1. The investigation was made in order to determine:-

(i)    The density of bombing which destroyed and/or neutralised the tank concentration.

(ii)   The effect on the vehicles of the weapons used.

(iii)  The extent to which any surviving vehicles would have been immobilised by cratering.

THE TARGET.

2. A concentration of German tanks, comprising what was probably a whole Panzer Company, together with some Battalion H.Q. vehicles, was lying up overnight in the orchards and fields round GUILLERVILLE. The area concerned is shown in Fig. 1. It seems probable (see para 9 below) that none of the company’s vehicles escaped and, given that this view is correct, the total number present at the time of the attack was:-

4 x Mark VI Tanks.
8 x Mark IV Tanks.
1 x Mark IV Tank with 75 mm Howitzer.
2 x Mark III Tanks.
-----
TOTAL 15 Tanks.
-----

7 x Small Armoured Recce. Cars – 40 mm. guns.
5 x Armoured Supply Vehicles – half track.
1 x Large Staff Car.
3 x Small Staff Cars
3 x Red Cross Vehicles.
1 x Unidentified Armoured Vehicle (completely destroyed).
Numerous horse-drawn supply vehicles.

3. Thirteen of the vehicles, including all but six of the tanks, were dispersed in an orchard area (Area A of Fig. 1) covering about 11 acres, in an average concentration of 1.2 vehicles per acre. The remaining tanks and vehicles were dispersed as shown in Fig. 1. At the edge of the orchard was a cluster of farm buildings, which appear to have been used as the headquarters of the Unit (Area A of Fig. 1). It is understood to be the normal custom of tank crews in a forward area to sleep in or in the immediate vicinity of their vehicles, and there is some evidence to show that this practice was being followed here, as there are shallow pits under some of the tanks. The buildings in the vicinity may have been used as alternative accommodation by some members of the staff of the Unit.

THE ATTACK

4. The enemy was known to be occupying a line of strongly held villages in an area to the East of CAEN. These were attacked by heavy bombers of R.A.F. Bomber Command at about dawn on 13 July, 1944, in order to cover the Eastern flank of an armoured advance.

5. The plan of attack of this combined operation (GOODWOOD) was to destroy enemy strongpoints and cause heavy cratering along two parallel lanes between which the army would proceed, after their axis of advance had been “swept” by non-cratering bombs.

The Goodwood plan; Area H - poorly marked - is the long green rectangle
slightly right of centre

6. The Eastern flank area which was selected for attack by cratering bombs included the villages of TOUFFREVILLE, SANNERVILLE, BANNEVILLE and GUILLERVILLE. There were two aiming points in this area, and the centre of the orchard in which the tanks were found was about 800 yd. South-East of the Southern one. The following bombs were dropped on the whole of Area H, which covered approximately 940 acres:-

464 x 1000 lb. U.S.A. S.A.F.)
   900 x 1000 lb. U.S.A. G.P.)
      1296 x 1000 lb. Br. M.C.)
          186 x 1000 lb Br. G.P.)         Fused.025 sec. delay.
     486 x 500 lb. U.S.A. G.P.)
           438 x 500lb. Br. M.C.)
          3295 x 500 lb. Br. GP.)

RESULTS.

Ground Density of Bomb Strikes.

7. Fig. 2 shows both a crater plot of all the bombs which fell in the orchard area, and the location of the vehicles. The average density of strikes in this area was 13.4 bombs per acre, compared with an average density, assessed from photo cover, of 3.9 bombs per acre over the whole of area H. In the main area of bomb fall, which was slightly displaced from the intended target, the density was 6.3 bombs per acre.

Crater Sizes.

Owing to the very high concentration of strikes it was not possible, from fragments found in the vicinity, to identify in all cases the calibre of bomb responsible for a given crater. As Table 1 shows, the craters varied greatly in size.

TABLE 1.

SIZE OF CRATERS IN ORCHARD AREA.

Up to 25 feet in diameter…….……………41
26 to 30                           ………………35
31 to 35                           ………………35
36 to 40                           ………………18
Over 41 feet in diameter  ………………....16
Total                                                            145

It should be born in mind that 4 months had elapsed between the attack and the ground survey, so that the craters have become somewhat wider and shallower through erosion.





Damage.

Descriptions and illustrations of the damage sustained by each of the vehicles are given in Appendix I. It will be seen that while only one tank and one vehicle were totally destroyed by direct hits, all the other tanks were effectively neutralised as fighting units, and that at best, only one or two were not seriously damaged directly by the bombing. If these two had in fact been able to move under their own power, they would not have been able to leave the orchard area, owing to the density of the craters. The establishment of the company concerned was presumably 15 tanks, and 15 were found in the vicinity.

10. The building used as the Headquarters was very severely damaged, and the staff cars which were parked in the out-buildings were all destroyed.









11. Remains of Germans are still to be seen in the area, but it is not possible to say what numbers of tank crews or other personnel were killed. The severity of the damage would suggest that a high proportion of those present during the attack became casualties.

Damage by Fire.

12. Of the 15 tanks immobilised by this attack, it will be seen from Appendix I that 6, when found, had been seriously affected by fire. With the exception of the tank in Incident No. 21, which did not in fact catch fire, no tank had been hit either by shell or by piat mortars.

13. It is known that the Germans sometimes set fire to their tanks in order to prevent them falling into our hands intact, but in the case of the attack under discussion the charred remains of crews are still to be found inside some of the tanks. It seems unlikely, therefore, that they were deliberately set on fire.

14. In the case of the 6 tanks set on fire, which were representative of all three types of tank found in the area, the distances of the nearest bombs were 13 ft., 20 ft, 25 ft., 25 ft., 25 ft., from 500 lb. bombs, and 35 ft from a 1000 lb. bomb. Appendix I shows that in many cases bombs falling much closer than these distances did not cause fires.





Vulnerable Area of Tanks.

15. It is commonly assumed that tanks are in general immune to anything except direct hits or very near misses by bombs. On the basis of this view, the damage suffered by the 15 tanks in the formation could be theoretically regarded as excessive. If, for example, one were to assume that 500 lb. and 1000 lb. bombs could “knock out” tanks if they were to strike anywhere up to three yards from the edge of a tank measuring 6 yards x 3 yards, the average probability of destroying or severely damaging such a target would be only about 25% for a mean ground concentration of 13 bomb strikes per acre. On this basis one would not have expected that more than about 3 to 4 of the tanks present in the area would have been put out of action. If we assume a band of vulnerability around the tank of up to 6 yards, the number of tanks which, on an average, would have been affected directly would have been about 7. For a band of 9 yards, the average figure would have been 10, and for one of 12 yards, about 11.

16. At first glance, therefore, the result of this attack would suggest that a heavy tank is vulnerable to any 500 or 1000 lb. bomb which falls up to about 12 yards from it. This figure seems excessive, and should be accepted with reserve until experimental evidence is obtained for single bomb hits up to this distance. If such evidence substantiates the general conclusion which emerges from the present analysis, then it becomes simple enough to understand the fate of the 15 tanks which are the subject of the present report. If, on the other hand, experiment suggests that the band of vulnerability is significantly less than 11 yards, then an explanation would have to be sought in the fact that the tanks were subjected not to a number of hits well separated in time, but to a very large number occurring within a very short interval. When one remembers that the tank formation was blanketed by about 145 bombs averaging in weight about 700 lb., and with an average charge/weight ratio of 40%, one can obtain some impression of the physical conditions which existed at the time of the attack. For example, approximately one ton of earth is thrown up per lb. of charge. This means that some 40,000 tons of debris were set in motion in the area of the tanks during the period of the attack. The violent impulses to which the vehicles were subjected by debris, by multiple ground shocks and blast waves would perhaps be sufficient to account for their destruction without assuming that a heavy German tank is vulnerable to a single 500 lb. or 1000 lb. bomb falling up to 11 yards from it.



Even at high magnification, the tanks are quite difficult to see; everything
was covered by a thick layer of dust and debris

Immobilisation of Vehicles through Cratering.

It was the opinion of an officer who was in command of a Squadron of British tanks during the fighting in this district that the density of bombs achieved in the orchard was sufficient to make it completely impassable to tanks.

CONCLUSION.

In wooded country an average density of about 10 strikes per acre from a mixture of 500 lb. and 1000 lb. Br. G.P. bombs per acre fused 0.25 sec. delay is likely to immobilise tank concentrations, either through direct damage or by making it impossible for any undamaged vehicles to get away.